영어 뉴스기사 읽기 [사회] - READING THE NUMBERS

최근에 본 영어기사인데,,,

영어공부 하기에 좋은,, 나에게 익숙하지 않은 단어들이 많이 나와서,,

단어도 많이 찾고 했었는데,, 정리할 겸 적어본다. 

http://www.newyorker.com/talk/comment/2014/02/17/140217taco_talk_talbot

Last week's report about the declining abortion rate in the United States was potentially good news for everyone, especially, one would think, for right-to-life groups. Most of them, though, weren't cheering. A statement from Americans United for Life called the report "an abortion industry propaganda piece short on data and long on strained conclusions." One problem was that the groups didn't like the messenger. The report, which showed that between 2008 and 2011 the rate of abortions had fallen to its lowest level since 1973, came from the Guttmacher Institute. 

Guttmacher produces scrupulous research on reproductive health; it also supports abortion rights. But the bigger problem was the message itself, because the report made a persuasive case that the right-to-life movement cannot take credit for the decline in abortions. Since 2008, states have enacted more than a hundred laws related to abortion, most aimed at limiting access to the procedure. The researchers, however, concluded that the new laws, with few exceptions, had had little impact on the number of abortions. Instead, much of the decline is probably attributable to more effective contraception, some of it available through the federal funding - "Uncle Sugar," in Mike Huckabee's creepy coinage - that Republicans like the rail against. Right-to-lifers could be promoting contraception and touting its success in averting unwanted pregnancies, bur that doesn't seem to be news that they want to hear, let alone spread.

In fact, nobody can say for sure why the rate is falling. But the report's authors, Rachel K. Jones and Jenna Jerman, point to some key indicators. For one thing, there was a notable drop in the rates in several states, such as California, New York, and New Jersey, that had not enacted new restrictions. Indeed, rates dropped in all regions of the country, although the new laws are concentrated primarily in the Midwest and the South. Moreover, most of the restrictive laws were passed in 2011, and the decline was already under way in 2008. Finally, and critically, the decrease in abortions has been accompanied by a decrease in the birth rate, suggesting not that fewer women are choosing to terminate pregnancies but that fewer women are getting pregnant in the first place. 

One reason for that trend might be economic - pregnancy rates and birth rates tend to fall when times are tough. But a shift toward more effective birth control does seem to have played a role. Between 2002 and 2009, the proportion of contraceptive users who relied on long-acting reversible contraceptive like IUDs and implants rose from two per cent to nine per cent. That might not sound like much, but, because larc methods (unlike condoms or the Pill) are more than ninety-nine per cent effective, even a relatively small uptick in usage can have an impact. Particularly noteworthy was the increase in the number of low-income and poor women who use long-acting methods provided by publicly funded birth-control services. According to the report, between 2006 and 2010 "the estimated number of unintended pregnancies averted by federally funded family-planning programs" rose from 1.9 million to 2.2 million. 

Nonetheless, the new laws do place additional burdens on women seeking abortions, and, perhaps more important, they may also be erecting obstacles to a consensus position on abortion - one that Americans could abide. For reasons both moral and practical, most Americans think that if an abortion is to be performed it should be done early in the pregnancy. Yet many of the laws that rights-to-life groups have pressed for in recent years have tend to produce the opposite effect, resulting in later abortions. 

Consider the case of medical abortions, induced by the drug mifepristone, the so-called abortion pill. The Guttmacher report shows that, between 2008 and 2011, there was a striking increase in the percentage of such procedures - in 2011, they accounted for twenty-three per cent (up from seventeen per cent) of all non-hospital abortions - even as the over-all rate declined. By definition, these are early abortions : they are performed before nine weeks' gestation. (Unlike surgical abortions, they can be done almost as soon as a woman receives a positive pregnancy test.) From the public-health, reproductive-choice, and moral-comfort point of view, an increase in the percentage of abortions performed this way is beneficial. 

Yet the latest vouge in anti-abortion legislation is to ban medical abortions. One approach has been to short-circuit programs that allow mifepristone to be prescribed through telemedicine. A program started in Iowa, in 2008, allowed a woman to receive ultrasounds and talk to a counsellor at a satellite clinic, and then video-conference with a doctor in anther location. the doctor could remotely unlock a drawer in the clinic and the necessary medication was dispensed to the woman. After the program began, women seeking abortions in Iowa tended to do so earlier; nevertheless, the over-all abortion rate in the state declined. The program's safety record and women's reported satisfaction with it were solid. (It was especially helpful in rural areas.) But in 2010 Iowa elected an anti-choice Republican governor, who appointed new members to the state medial board, and it subsequently ended the program. A judge stayed the ban in November, and the matter is now being litigated. Meanwhile, legislatures in fourteen other states have prohibited the use of telemedicine for medical abortion - "Webcam abortion," as opponents call it - even though the system hasn't even been tried on any significant scale in those states. 

All this brings to min the bizarre inability of certain prominent Republicans to understand the importance of contraception in our society. Making ii more difficult for women to get an abortion early in an unintended pregnancy - or to prevent an unintended pregnancy in the first place - makes their lives  harder. Yet Mike Huckabee and Rand Paul have been on a tear recently, insisting that focusing on reproductive rights patronizes women.  Unlike Democrats, Huckabee says, Republicans want women to be "something other than victims of their gender," who are "helpless without Uncle Sugar" to "control their libido or their reproductive system." It shouldn't be necessary to say it again, but a woman's ability to exert control over her reproductive system is at eh heart of her ability to control her destiny in many other ways as well. Besides, when conservatives attack the contraception mandate in the Affordable Care Act, or federally funded family-planning programs, they are working against the force that are rendering abortion less common. Undermining contraception and early abortion sabotages the future that most people want, one that expresses both their values and their common sense : fewer unintended pregnancies and fewer abortions, too. 

abortion : 낙태 / mifepristone, Mifeprex : 낙태약 

declining : 감소하는 / decline : 감소 

potentially : 가능성 있게, 잠재적으로 

propaganda : 허위선전, 과장된 선전

strained : 긴장한, 불편한

scrupulous : 세심한, 양심적인

persuasive : 설득력 있는

right-to-life : 임신중절 반대파 

aim 목표,목적

procedure (프로시저) 절차, 방법

attributable ~가 원인인, ~에 기인하는

contraception 피임 / contraceptive user 피임하는 사람

federal 연방정부의 / federal law 연방정부법 / federal funded 연방자금지원을 받는

Uncle Sugar 미연방수사국(FBI)

creepy 오싹한, 기이한

coinage 동전들, 화폐제도, 신조어

Republican 공화주의자, 공화주의 / conservatives 보수당

rail 욕하다, 불평하다 / rail against ~을 욕하다 

tout 칭찬하다, 과장해서 선전하다, 장점을 내세우다 

averting 회피

let alone ~은 커녕, ~은 고사하고 

key indicator 주요지표

notable 주목할만한

play a role 역할을 하다 

enact (법을)제정하다 

restriction 제한 

indeed 참으로 

although ~이긴 하지만, 그러나, 하지만

primarily 주로 

terminate 끝나다, 종료하다, 끝내다

in the first place 우선 (문장 맨 뒤에 사용)

-> I still don't understand why you choose that name in the first place.

touch 힘든

proportion 비율

reversible 뒤집을 수 있는

IUD 자궁 내 피임 기구  = intrauterine device 

long-acting 장시간 사용하는 (약품 등이)

rely 의지하다, 믿다

implant 심다

relatively 비교적 

uptick 약간의 증가 

birth-control 산아제한

family-planning program 가족계획사업 

nevertheless 그럼에도 불구하고

nonetheless 그렇기는 하지만, 그렇더라도 

erecting 가설 / erect 똑바로 선 

consensus 의견일치, 합의 

abide 머무르다 

moral 도의적인 

practical 현실적인

by definition 정의상, 의미상, 당연히

gestation 임신

positive 긍정적인

vogue 유행

legislation 제정법 / legislature 입법부  

ban 금하다

satellite 인공위성

drawer 서랍

medication 치료

dispensed 나눠주다, 제공하다 

rural 시골의 / rural area 시골지역

subsequently 그 뒤에, 나중에

litigate 소송하다

meanwhile ~하는 동안에 

prohibit 금하다 

opponents 반대자, 적 / opponents of abortion 낙태반대자 / opposite 반대편의, 건너편

induced 유도된, 유도의 

striking 현저한, 눈에 띄는

account for 설명하다, 비율을 차지하다 

prescribed 규정된, 미리정해진

significant 중요한

bizarre 기이한

inability 무능

prominent 중요한, 두드러진

unintended 의도하지 않은 

democrat 민주주의자

be on a tear 야단법석을 떨다

insist 고집하다

patronize 가르치려들다, 후원하다, 애용하다

other than ~외에

libido 성욕

reproductive 생식의, 번식의 (re-productive)

mandate 권한

undermine 쇠퇴시키다

sabotages (고의적인) 방해 행위 (사보타주)

exert 가하다